Interview
of Frédéric
H. Fajardie
Elfriede
Müller
Translation
French to English by Steve Novak
• 28.01.04 •
Elfriede
Müller: When
did you start to write and for what reason?
Frédéric
Fajardie: I started
to write my first short story around 65 because I always loved
to write, I always wrote a personal journal. As a kid I was
always a bit lost because I had three sisters, it became better
later but when I was a kid I didn’t speak very much with
them. Therefore I took refuge in dreams. And when dreams meant
the imaginary, which
was very developped in me since I had been told a lot of stories
and thus was used to write and was always first in French class,
writing became the only thing I knew how to do. Both style and
the imaginary prepare you well to be a writer. But at the time
I lived
it all through the anguish of adolescence.
E.
M: Was the ‘missed’ rebellion
of 68 your motivation or reason why you decided to write noir
novels?
F.
F: No,
not directly. I was always writing, I did some novels before that,
not noir ones. I was a big reader, above all of American
writers, Goodis, Chandler and Mc Coy. I was not into writing
noir novels but
my books got always refused by publishers with critiques. They
rather liked my style which was pretty new for the time… They
said ‘there
you really speak like those on the dole…’ and ‘ there
you swich modes from sadness to happy very abruptly’.
I explained that it was on purpose, that for me mode switches
were very important.
You can both love somebody and laugh in a cementery. I understood
in a flash that the noir novel was a genre that wasn’t
codified. There weren’t even literary critics in French
papers, there were no specialized columns, it was total freedom.
And I wasn’t
even conscious of it because before me there was only Manchette
and Manchette stood in disgust about 68 and the left. We didn’t
get along Manchette and I. And there was Vautrin who was a
bit of a social democrat. And I was the first coming who had
been involved
in 68 and in leftist organizations.
I was the first one published
with the double stamp : 68 and the left. Five years later there
were some others. And in the first critiques of my novels there
were jabs
like : « Here he comes, with May 68 » . I didn’t
realize it, since I was having a lot of fun, for example with
Tueurs de flics. We set up the genre markers for the next 25
years. I contributed
and some others came behind.We created and we codified too,
without really realizing it. Crime novels which were very reactionary,
very
extreme right, changed with Manchette, with Vautrin, with me
; it flipped over ideoligically. And now it’s almost
too much. So, they’re all agaisnt Le Pen, but it’s
not enough just to be agaisnt Le Pen.
E.
M: What
did you do in May 68 ?
F.
F: I was
inorganized. I was a bit of a maoist already and in the
Basic Vietnam Comitees but as soon as May 3rd I did it
all with my friends
and it wasn’t about organization. We would go out evey
night and hit it out with cops more and more. But there was
also an action
comitee : we would put up posters, distribute leaflets, talk
with people about our ideas, etc… But physically it
was every night like a drug : face-off with the cops. And
we thought that
as long as there were riots every night they wouldn’t
dare to reoccupy the Sorbonne, the Odeon theatre, everything
that we
had occupied. We thought that since they were violent and
if they decided to bump us out of the Sorbonne, there would
be
a massacre.
It was the idea we had : we had to maintain the balance of
forces. And the problem was that sometimes we were no more
than 400 to
500 fighting in the streets of Paris. And it was almost exclusively
young workers. May 68 lasted because there was a balance
of forces at night, a climate of insurrection. Because of
that
things lasted
in Paris and these were not leftists or intellectuals, it
was young workers that were even called louts. One minister
said
that we
were rats.
E.
M: What’s
left of May 68 today?
F.
F: Me
and individual people, men, women and a myth. Sadly enough May
68 was railroaded by merchants/business, by traitors, by all
the people who sided with social democrats, who had
a carreer in journalism
or elsewhere. We are very few in the literary world, to have
kept alive the spirit of that time. But there are lots
more within teachers,
social workers, people like that, people who are not in the
limelight. The elites are not representative of this
authentic current, nonetheless
made up quite a bit of what the extreme left is, and made
up with people who tried to change the world. These people
are much more
represented in French society than in the media.You pay very
dearly because often you send back to the traitors
a very negative image
of themselves, because you are showing that there was an
alternative, that one was not obliged to collaborate with the system.You
could be a writer, have readers, even have a well known
name and yet
keep your ideas. Somehow you pay because you were good.
E.
M: Is
writing a political practice for you or a rest from politics?
F.
F: It’s mixed. It’s
clear that at the start was the desire to pursue militant work.
Tueurs de flics is already an anti-facistic book, because of a tough
scene with facists at one time. Le Pen was at .2% at
the time. I always had that in
mind. Padovani is a cop a bit to the extreme left. He wants
to blow up the system from the inside. So there was
a militant
side to my
endeavour and there was also a true pleasure of writing. It’s
my life a little bit. My problem is to find a right balance between
the books that you always write alone and true life which means your
family, your friends, people, militant political action, writing
workshops, chance meetings…One has to find an equilibrium.
There was a period in my life, about 15 years ago, during which I
was too much in my office, I didn’t go out enough. Now,
my tendency is to do too much.
E.
M: What role have the 80’s in your novels
and in French society?
F.
F: Shitty
years. The 80’s were worse than the 90’s. Years
without hope. Years only filled with lottsa dough, individual success,
all against all. That’s what capitalism is and that’s
what Mitterand took up. Not only did they betray but they also
perpetrated a deep psychological job to wall in people in solitude.
It is nonetheless
a capitalist ploy to win the game. Jack Lang developped a culture
of representation, but with nothing at the base, in neighborhoods.
It is in fact during the left in power that all the troubles
in big cities suburbs came up. Nothing was done there.
E.
M: Do you see some links between the 80’s
and 68?
F.
F: The
80’s are exactly the contrary of 68. There was a go-forward/offensive
action by the powers that ended up shortcircuiting us, shutting
us out. We were not structured, all the militant organizations
were
in a crisis since the end of the 70’s. Television, advertising,
cinema, journalism…It was all a quasi-negation of what
had happened in 68. Take TV channels like TF1 or France 2 and
there was
a great negation of the big popular movements which for me
betrays the powers’ willingness to act. They wanted to
eradicate the memory of the people.
E.
M: In fact what is the role of history in literature? Which events
do you deal with and what determines your choice?
F.
F: The
20th is more my century than the 21st.. The big explanation from
1939 to 1945, is just a parenthesis. Everything before
leads to this
conflict and everything after is post-positioning. The
rise of facisms, of anti-semitism, of stalinism, the Spanish
war,
etc…It’s
a party with three guests. You have fascism, stalinism and the democracies
as the trio of lovers. Afterwards people don’t have the time
to position themselves and to eliminate the sequels. In 70, 72 I
believed in all sincerity that fascism had ended. I really believed
it. We didn’t understand that with each generation you got
to set the table all over again. You got to start over with each
generation. It was an error that I made. The focus of the century
is that face-off with the three contenders. When you see that Le
Pen gets 20% of the electorate in France you just cannot say that
the Second World War is a thing of the past. All my life I thought
that we didn’t do our job with respect to Vichy. Guys like
Papon, Bousquet, all the collaborators. The job of history wasn’t
well done. In general it is the bourgeoisie who collaborated. The
workers were, on the whole, either deported to Germany for forced
labor or went to the resistance. What gave its strength to the resistance
was really the labor movement. One can slow down the truth in history
as in literature but sooner or later it comes forward and can burst
out with a lot more violence. If those things had been said and written
in the 50’s there wouldn’t have been this extremely violent
offensive upon Vichy. Things would have been explained. We wouldn’t
have gone back, we would be somewhere else. And now they start to
look at Algeria and at Indochina : it’s quite a shame
what we did in Indochina. They never speak of the cities
bombed by
the French.
E.
M: Do
you see yourself as an historian?
F.
F:
It’s my education, I’m a novelist, an historian. See
for example Un pont sur la Loire, the nazis are there, but it is
not very important, there are people who resisted and they were shot
in the back, there are Senegalese, who fought in French uniform for
the second time, and nothing was done for them. I wrote this book
when I discovered that the retirement benefits for an old Senegalese
soldier were 20% of those of a French soldier. They gave their blood
like the others and even more than the others because the nazis didn’t
like them because of the Ruhr occupation and made them pay dearly.
20% of the benefits of someone who maybe spent the war in an
office. On the whole, some were not at the front. The Senegalese
were sent
to the two wars. So writing was like repairing an injustice and
at the same time it is always good to tell the truth. Nothing
is lost
when telling the truth. We are revolutionaries.
E.
M: Do you believe that history can be written into novels?
F.
F:
Writers
contribute. Hugo for example made a contribution. When
I speak about a historical eventas a novelist, I would
very much like that
afterwards people get into purely historical books. I spoke
about the Spanish Civil War in a certain way. Hemingway
was there but
just didn’t get it. Orwell was there. I though that
in France there were things to do and that’s why I
wrote Une charrette pleine d'étoiles. I thought that
was missing.
E.
M: Is there a connection between your historical themes and the marker
that 68 represents?
F.
F: Yes,
I think that May 68 determines my choices. If I was part of the
Proletarian Left (Gauche Prolétarienne) group it is because
it was an extremely violent group and that it kept alive somehow
the spirit of May 68. And lots of people got into the PL because
it had bitten into the young workers a lot better than the trotskyists
had. The language of La Cause du peuple was specific with its tone,
its violence – and I’m not trying to defend it ideologically
- and those two attributes gave a definite appeal to the PL. We would
take the picture of the Minister of the Interior (Home Secretary
in UK), and we would place a target on it and stamp it with « To
be Shot ! » . Trotskyists never did anything like that. We
spoke to people in active rebellion. What worked for me worked for
others. It was the only violent insurrectional movement. It’s
only after that I read Mao and all the rest. It was totally mythical.
A whole world stood in front of that. A permanent revolution was
happening – a trotskyist theme nonetheless. Mao had said that
class struggle went on after the revolution which the PC (Communist
Party) didn’t say. It was trully an internationalist movement.
China was financially backing all guerillas in the world. There was
an esthetic dimension for me that went like this : it thought that
everything I saw about the USSR was in black & white and
that all the demonstrations in China were in colour, wide screen
and with
all the red flags, This vision was wrong because there was colour
everywhere but it was a question of generation.
E.
M: Does May 68 acts as a filter through which one
looks at past events ? A filter which – in a certain way – shapes
that look?
F.
F: Yes in a certain way but there is also my family background.
I wasn’t
born anywhere and at a random time. I was born right in the middle
of the Vietnam war. My parents were anti-facists, my father came
from the bourgeoisie and my mother from working class. Me too I’m
socially a ‘mixed blood’. When you are a writer that’s
good because you have two ways of looking at things.
E.
M: In your novels, how important is the individual subject as opposed
to collective ones?
F.
F: I am
very collective for everything political, but on the persoanl level
I am very individualistic. I don’t go too much either
in fairs/celebrations or in places where everyone follows a flag,
I go the other way. When it comes to love I’m very individualistic.
I tend to be a bit afraid by people but politically I’m
still for socialism, collective things, soviets.
In your
novels there are always individuals that are very strong, very
much loners who are not necessarily part of a collective.
Yes, one writes novels a bit as one’s own image. I think that
at a certain time you make your own choices. Look at the pathetic
disaray among intellectuals and workers at the time of the Germano-Soviet
pact. In France it was a catastrophe : they were all anti-nazis,
anti-facists and from one day to the next Hitler became a friend
and you couldn’t shoot on the now new comrades from the Wehrmach.
E.
M: Do you consider these individuals as carriers of ideas, of hope
and of change or are they only witnesses of a bygone era?
F.
F: At
the start I gave them the value of examples. I wantted to create
exemplary characters.. Maybe it was a bit pedagogical.
The shape
of my novels changed in the 80’s. At the start I made people
laugh a lot less. Maybe I was rather schematic. I was saying : look
at that guy, he’s really great, there is no place for him in
this rotten society, therefore he’s going to die. When a great
despair rolls over in 80, 81 to 87 one could not further demoralize
people who were already beaten by life. So you have to find more
optimistic endings. That’s why there is a light of hope
at the end of my books from that era. The characters are also
symbolic,
are also exemplary people a bit, and could be like the models
that one would wish to be.
E.
M: Since 83 the success of the Front National at the polls and in
life has been the topic of many crime novels. Do yoou think that
this kind of literature encapsulates the means to fight agaisnt
the rise of facism?
F.
F: I think
that one should never be too much of a borish pain in the ass.
We are novelists first, we tell stories. One needs
to bring
about politics a bit more discreetly. I try to create in my
books situations in which there are contradictions. It is the resolution
of these contradictions that allows people to go forward. Often
I don’t explain what needs to be done. I try to show complex
situations and then say : « now, you get out of this shit ».
I believe a lot in the power of tndividual work otherwise you
fall in the stalinian scheme where you explain everything to
people, what
they need to think, like with this dogmatic side that was present
in all the leftist ideas. You must give people instruments so
that they understand, and reach positions by themselves. This
is the exemplary
side of novels.
E.
M: Do you reach for a particular audience?
F.
F: I am
read by a disconcerting group of people, men, women, rich
ones and poor ones, workers, professors, bourgeois, street
sweepers.
Frankly, I don’t know anymore. The more we go, the more
I am very perplexed by the diversity of my audience. Myself,
I would
like to write for sensitive, fragile, intelligent and non-racist
people.
E.
M: Is the chosen literary form linked to the audience?
F.
F: Yes,
I don’t write noir novels as I write Un homme en
harmonie which is much more literary. I think
history commands style. Of course there is a permanance of my own
style in all my books which can be
picked out, and I heard « Fajardie, one can pick him
out » a
hundred times. This proves that I have a personal style, but
according to which type of novel I write, I take this or that
tone. In Les
Foulards rouges the language is very pure, very 17th century.
But there are a lot of things that come from the American noir
novel,
from my own experience. There is always a need for the personal
stamp of the author, it is important and inevitable. But one
should also
have the subtlety to tell yourself : I want to be read by those
people. There are some constants. For example I hate it if
my readers need
a dictionary. There are some writers who take pleasure in putting
some hypercomplicated words. I think it is a form of contempt.
When you have clear thoughts you tell them clearly.
E.
M: Manchette said that noir novels went back to a literary form from
the 19th century. Do you think this is correct?
F.
F: Why
the 19th ? You find the same style – the style of Balzac,
Zola and others – during the 30’s. Barbusse, etc. I rather
think that it is a continuation of polpular literature since Jules
Vallès. I don’t believe there was a break. There is
a continuity even if they don’t write like Jules Vallès.
But the filiation is there. Further, it goes through Eugène
Sue . It’s a style that has evolved but which comes from the
19th. Yet in the 18th you had progressive authors. The question is
who speaks. In my life I read 3 times Mémoires d'outretombe
by Chateaubriand, it is magnificent, there is a sensibility, it is
pre-romantic. But, for a lot of people, Eugène Sue, or Zola,
were much more accessible. But sometimes Zola when he speaks about
people is at the limit of reactionism and biological characterisation.
But even in the labor movement of the time, there were lots of asonine
things said about that.
E.
M: Do noir novels belong to a leftist culture since the
70’s?
F.
F: Well,
it depends. Above all I learned not to be so dogmatic since I was
a bit too much at the time. You have to judge individuals
through what they do. I think it’s a good side of roman
noir because people are judged by what they do. What we need
to avoid, what wrongs
the noir novel, it is to write tracts/pamphlets instead of
novels. A noir novel needs to be escapist literature. If you
lose sight of
that you become a bore.
You can show abject characters and
humiliated people, it is better than to simply say that Le
Pen is an asshole.
You must avoid caricature. We fought hard to prevail but at
the same time we are obliged to tell real stories. In my new
book Full speed there are many arguments against Sarkozy but there is a real
story, Padovani is on three cases and he doesn’t want
to let go of any. While speaking about society, about todays
liberalism, you can
be political, have a really lively style and be funny. If you
can do all that, it’s great. You shouldn’t write
sinister books and take a somber tone while saying : « facism
is dangerous »,
no you shouldn’t do that. You have to win, we are here
to please and seduce. You have to convince by the strength
of your talent,
of your style. The readers must think that if the guy can write
like that then his ideas musn’t be that bad. There you
have it.